Two senior police officers posted in Gujarat during the 2002 anti-Muslim riots have submitted to the Supreme Court-appointed Special Investigation Team (SIT) the details of strong “anti-Muslim bias” in the state government.
In their affidavits, R.B. Sreekumar, a former additional director general of police (ADGP) who was in-charge of the state Intelligence Bureau during the riots, and Rahul Sharma, the then Bhavnagar Superintendent of Police, questioned the impartiality of the administration.
The SIT on Thursday submitted to the SC its report on the status of probe in the 10 major riots cases it is re-investigating.
“The Chief Minister summoned me to his chamber on May 7, 2002, and instructed me not to concentrate on Sangh Parivar, as its members were not doing anything illegal. He asked me to concentrate on Muslim militants, and get data on Amanpath, suspected to be a Muslim group,” Sreekumar said in his affidavit. Narendra Modi was the CM then.
The government refused to respond to Sreekumar’s allegation. “Such absurd statements do not merit a response. He is anyway a biased officer who joined Teesta Setalwad's organisation after retirement,” said a senior official, who didn’t wish to be identified.
“K.P.S. Gill, the adviser to the Chief Minister, had told state police chief K. Chakravarthy not to reform the politicians — meaning thereby, not to take any action against the VHP and Bajrang Dal. The adviser also wanted the police to vacate the riot victims living in the relief camps, exhibiting a clear anti-Muslim bias,” Sreekumar said in his affidavit.
Sreekumar told HT he was willing to be cross-examined. “Why are they not cross-examining me on… what I have stated on oath in the affidavits," he said, hinting at more damning facts against the government.
Sharma, who is a Deputy Inspector General, CBI, in Mumbai, said: "Minister of State for Home Gordhan Zadaphia had contacted me and said the ratio of deaths as a result of police firing was not proper. What I understood was that, he was complaining about more number of deaths of Hindus as compared to Muslims in Bhavnagar city."
In his affidavit, Sharma said a large part of the police records related to riots had been destroyed and “it was on my own conscience that I managed to submit to the investigating agencies what I could protect”.
Interestingly, Sreekumar and Sharma both faced the wrath of the Modi government for not toeing the “official line”. Sreekumar, who retired in February, was chargesheeted in 2005, for leaking intelligence reports. Last year, the Ahmedabad bench of the Central Administrative Tribunal quashed the government order and directed payment of all dues to him and slammed the government for denying him a promotion.
Sharma was shunted out of Bhavnagar within days of his talk with Zadaphia to an insignificant position in the Ahmedabad Control Room.
Source
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Saturday, March 7, 2009
Monday, April 14, 2008
Increasing rapes and molestation of minors
New Delhi: In a fifth sexual assault on minor girls in Delhi in barely two weeks, all by neighbours, a rickshaw puller allegedly raped a two-and-a-half-year-old girl, the police said on Monday.
Lalan Prasad, 23, took the victim to a secluded place in Raghubir Nagar area late on Sunday and allegedly raped her.
The police said Prasad, who is from Bihar, then dropped the girl home but the family caught him after seeing their daughter bleeding profusely.
The family informed the police, but Prasad managed to escape before the officials could reach the spot.
The girl was admitted to Deen Dayal Upadhyay Hospital, where her condition was stated to be critical on Monday afternoon.
Deputy Commissioner of Police (West Delhi) Sharad Agarwal said Prasad was a distant relative of the victim. "We have sent a team to Bihar to arrest him," he said.
The incident comes in a series of crimes targeting minor girls.
A 12-year-old girl, who is mentally challenged and hearing and speech impaired, was raped in her east Delhi home in the early hours Sunday. She was going to the toilet when her neighbour Sandip Rawat attacked and raped her, police said.
Saturday, Attar Singh, a Railway employee allegedly molested an eight-year-old girl in his northeast Delhi neighbourhood.
A seven-year-old girl was allegedly raped by her neighbour in Najafgrah area of southwest Delhi last Monday.
On April 3, three men allegedly raped a 12-year-old girl in a stationary car in west Delhi. The victim's neighbour was among the accused.
Source: Indo-Asian News Service
Monday, October 15, 2007
A Trip to Gujarath
‘Modi Sahib has wrought a revolution in Gujarat’ announced the glum-looking corpulent businessman sitting on the berth next to mine on the train to Ahmedabad recently.He proudly introduced himself as a Nagar Brahmin, even though I did not ask him his caste. ‘We now have regular electricity for our industries, new superhighways and massive shopping malls’, he went on excitedly. ‘Modi ji is the saviour of the Hindus of Gujarat. He taught the bloody Muslims a lesson in 2002 and now they dare not raise their heads’, he belligerently asserted as I squirmed in my seat.
A young Sindhi man sharing our compartment, also a businessman based in Ahmedabad, winced and hurriedly changed the topic. A while later, when the Nagar Brahmin was not within hearing range, he whispered, ‘Not all Gujarati Hindus think like this man, although many do. I, for one, don’t, but we can’t openly counter such views, such is the climate of fear in Gujarat’.
The man was right, I discovered during a recent short trip to the state. Public opposition to Modi and to the Hindutva lobby is muted, not just because of fear but also because the claims of the Hindutva forces have become received truths for many Gujarati Hindus, thanks to years of carefully-planned indoctrination. The BJP and allied Hindutva fronts have made deep inroads among sections of communities such as Dalits and Adivasis, who form a large chunk of Gujarat’s ‘Hindu’ population, who were traditionally opposed to the ‘upper-caste-controlled Hindutva groups and were once earlier strong Congress vote-banks.
‘The Congress is totally ineffective as an opposition force in Gujarat’, says Raju Solanki, a well-known Dalit activist, who works with the Centre for Social Justice in Ahmedabad. ‘In the last six decades, the Congress did precious little for the Dalits and Adivasis besides taking their votes and so the BJP has taken over. There’s no difference, as far as Dalits and Adivasis are concerned, between the two—they both represent broadly the same dominant caste-class groups. Hinduvta fronts are desperately trying to Hinduise the Dalits and Adivasis, to use them as foot-soldiers against the Muslims, setting them against each other so that ‘upper’ caste rule remains unchallenged’, he argues.
Unity between Dalits, Backward Castes, Adivasis and Muslims, who together form the overwhelming majority of Gujarat’s population, is the only way to challenge the BJP and the Congress, Solanki says. Yet, he laments, hardly any efforts are being made in this regard. In the wake of the state-sponsored anti-Muslim genocide in 2002, scores of NGOs entered Gujarat to provide relief, but today, he says, few of them are involved in anti-communal work. ‘Many of them made tall promises of working for empowerment, for Dalit-Muslim unity, for taking on the Hindutva lobby and so on. They got lots of money to fund big projects but nothing much has come of this’. ‘And then there are so many stories of corruption in the NGO circuit’, he wryly adds. ‘And so’, he goes on, ‘the only effective opposition I see today is within the BJP itself, among dissidents opposed to Modi’. ‘But that’, he explains, ‘in no way challenges the ideology and caste-base of Hindutva’. ‘
Solanki speaks of how the focus solely on communalism in Gujarat has led to an obscuring in secular political discourse of the widespread oppression of Dalits and Adivasis in the state. ‘The secularists, self-proclaimed secularists such as the Congress, and the Hindutva lobby all focus only on the issue of Hindu-Muslim relations, thus effectively ignoring the Adivasis and Dalits’, he notes. ‘Of course we need to work for communal harmony, for the rights of the Muslims and Christians, but that must go along with strengthening of the struggles of the Adivasis and Dalits. Hindutva forces seek to whip up anti-Muslim sentiments precisely to sabotage the growing awareness of the Adivasis and Dalits about the oppression that they suffer at the hands of the caste Hindu establishment’. ‘Hence’, he insists, ‘communalism cannot be defeated without taking up the caste issue, without working to unite the oppressed castes and the Muslims at the political and social level against the system of caste-class oppression of which they are the common victims’. ‘We need to make Dalit and Adivasi issues, along with the plight of Muslims, the centre of a new social, cultural and political movement, which alone can challenge the ‘upper’ caste Hindu hegemony which both the BJP and the Congress represent and defend’, he tells me.
Solanki talks of the work of his Centre in taking up numerous cases related to these communities. He speaks of widespread discrimination being practiced against Dalits in Gujarat—for instance, in this state which the Hindutva lobby touts about as about as its most successful experimental ground, a veritable ‘Hindu Rashtra’, Dalits continue to be refused entry into temples in many villages. He cites figures about rape of Dalit and Adivasi women by ‘upper’ caste landlords, many of them firm BJP supporters; of increasing land alienation among these groups; of the squalid slums, deprived of even the most basic amenities, to which the ‘low’ castes have been confined in Gujarat’s towns; and of the rapid impoverishment of Dalits and Adivasis communities in the face of the government’s economic policies.
*
Godhra, a town located in Gujarat’s Panchmahals district, a two hours’ journey from Ahmedabad, has a roughly equal Hindu and Muslim population. This obscure town shot into the limelight when, in 2002, a coach of a train caught fire near the town’s railway station, triggering off a massacre of Muslims throughout Gujarat on an unprecedented scale. Today, Godhra, like many other towns in Gujarat, is geographically completely polarized. A narrow river divides the town into two clearly Hindu and Muslim areas.
A semblance of ‘normality’ prevails in the town, although, its residents are quick to point out that the massacres of 2002, which, curiously, left Godhra itself largely untouched, have severely impacted on inter-communal relations. Almost all the NGOs that appeared in Godhra in the wake of the genocide to extend relief to Muslim victims in scores of villages nearby have now departed. Only a couple or so remain, with much trimmed budgets and staff. ‘As a result’, says Ilyas Bhagat, a local social activist, ‘the victims of the massacre, including families of over 80 men arrested under the deadly POTA law, have been left to fend for themselves’.
Bismillah Behen works with an NGO in Godhra and outlying villages. Her house in Himmatnagar was burnt down by Hindu mobs in 2002. Her husband has taken a second wife, and so she now lives by herself. Her own trauma, as a victim of both the anti-Muslim pogrom and of an insensitive husband, she says, has made her even more committed to working for communal harmony and women’s rights. ‘Women are the worse sufferers in riots’, she explains. She tells me of the efforts she and some of her colleagues, including Adivasis and Dalits, have made to bring women of different marginalized communities in Godhra to fight for their rights. She sees this as important not only in itself but also as one way of countering communalism. ‘We face opposition from patriarchal conservative forces in all our communities. Some Adivasi and Dalit men tell our non-Muslim sisters who are with us that they should not associate with us because we helped Muslim victims of the massacres. Likewise, some maulvis oppose the Muslim sisters in our group because they refuse to cover themselves in burkhas. They are angry with us because they insist that women must not come out of their homes’. ‘But’, she emphatically adds, ‘we women have undergone so much suffering during the riots. We have to come out and speak out’.
Bismillah Behen has not read any arcane feminist texts—what she speaks reflects her own personal and collective struggle, along with that of other women like her, who have experienced what it means to live through a genocide. ‘We have to join hands with sisters from other marginalized communities to fight for women’s rights and also against communalism’, she insists. ‘We have to explain to our sisters in other communities that communalism poses a major threat to women’s rights and to our freedom. The issue of women of all socially marginalized communities must be made a central part of the anti-communal struggle’.
Lakshmi Parmar, 26, is Bismillah’s colleague. She is the only female graduate in her village. Hailing from a poor Dalit family of the Vankar or weaver caste, she faces considerable opposition from her villagers, including some fellow Dalits, for working with Muslim women and for communal harmony. She tells me about how, in many villages around Godhra, Dalits were literally forced by the ‘upper’ castes to join them in attacking and killing Muslims in 2002. ‘They searched Dalit houses to see if any Muslims were hidden there. They threatened to boycott them if they helped the Muslims flee. Many Dalits yielded to this pressure as, being mostly landless labourers, they are dependent on the ‘upper castes for work’, she says.
Lakshmi speaks of how in these villages Dalits continue to suffer humiliation at the hands of the ‘upper’ castes, who consider them as fellow ‘Hindus’ only at the time of anti-Muslim violence, when they are generally used to attack Muslims. ‘In my own village’, she says, “Dalits cannot enter the local temple. A Dalit bridegroom cannot sit on a horse like ‘upper’ castes do. Last year my brother, who was getting married, tried to do that but we were forcibly stopped”.
‘Those days were really harrowing for all of us’, Lakshmi recounts of the brutal events of 2002. ‘I had to stay in a village, where Muslims had been driven out from. We started meetings to bring the different communities together, to facilitate the return of the Muslims to their homes, to rebuild their houses. But, eventually, due to the opposition of a local BJP politician, I had to flee’, she says. ‘However, we carried on working. We tried to bring together Dalits, Muslims and Adivasis through cultural activities, such as observing the anniversary of Babasaheb Ambedkar, Women’s Day and so on’.
We need to widen the scope of the movement for the unity of marginalized communities from just aiming at the political level to the wider social level’, she explains. ‘We have to work to unite our people through new forms of culture of resistance and struggle’.
*
‘This is, of course, may be easier said than done’, says Raju Solanki, ‘but we have to make it our main focus. From ancient times to this day, ‘upper’ caste forces, including today the Congress and the Hindutva lobby, have used culture, including religion, to oppress us. We now must use those very tools to challenge our oppression’.
Solanki shows me a book he’s written celebrating a fellow Gujarati Dalit activist who recently died, who opposed the entry of Hindutva activists into his slum and also prevented attacks on Muslims in his locality. ‘I’m preparing a book about such unsung heroes’, he informs me. ‘These voices of resistance, be they of Adivasis, Muslims, Backward Castes or Dalits, have been deliberately invisibilised from our history by the Brahminical establishment’, he notes. ‘We need to retrieve their memory, and build up a culture of resistance based on this’. ‘You cannot counter caste Hindu chauvinism without this’, he insists.
Solanki reads to me from a booklet that he has just published, titled ‘Blood Under Saffron’, to make his point about the dire need for marginalised communities in Gujarat to join hands to counter caste Hindu chauvinism, of which he says they are fellow victims. The booklet speaks of Gujarat’s panchayat rules that specify that disposing off dead animals and unclaimed corpses is a responsibility particular to the Scheduled Castes, a continuation of Manu’s ancient code; of the deaths of numerous sweepers belonging to the ‘lowest’ castes from suffocation while cleaning manholes; of the continuing practice of Valmikis in Gujarat being forced to carry human excreta on their heads; of ‘upper’ castes denying Dalits access to burial grounds; of mounting Dalit impoverishment, and, in the face of this, of continuing neglect by the state, and so on.
‘We need to bring the Dalits and other marginalized communities, besides the Muslims, back into Gujarat’s political discourse’, Solanki reiterates. ‘We need to shift the discourse from the secularism versus communalism debate to bring to the centre issues of caste-class domination and subjugation’, Solanki concludes. ‘Only then can Hindutva be effectively challenged, not just in Gujarat, but in the rest of the country as well’.
-By Yoginder Sikand at indianmuslims.in
A young Sindhi man sharing our compartment, also a businessman based in Ahmedabad, winced and hurriedly changed the topic. A while later, when the Nagar Brahmin was not within hearing range, he whispered, ‘Not all Gujarati Hindus think like this man, although many do. I, for one, don’t, but we can’t openly counter such views, such is the climate of fear in Gujarat’.
The man was right, I discovered during a recent short trip to the state. Public opposition to Modi and to the Hindutva lobby is muted, not just because of fear but also because the claims of the Hindutva forces have become received truths for many Gujarati Hindus, thanks to years of carefully-planned indoctrination. The BJP and allied Hindutva fronts have made deep inroads among sections of communities such as Dalits and Adivasis, who form a large chunk of Gujarat’s ‘Hindu’ population, who were traditionally opposed to the ‘upper-caste-controlled Hindutva groups and were once earlier strong Congress vote-banks.
‘The Congress is totally ineffective as an opposition force in Gujarat’, says Raju Solanki, a well-known Dalit activist, who works with the Centre for Social Justice in Ahmedabad. ‘In the last six decades, the Congress did precious little for the Dalits and Adivasis besides taking their votes and so the BJP has taken over. There’s no difference, as far as Dalits and Adivasis are concerned, between the two—they both represent broadly the same dominant caste-class groups. Hinduvta fronts are desperately trying to Hinduise the Dalits and Adivasis, to use them as foot-soldiers against the Muslims, setting them against each other so that ‘upper’ caste rule remains unchallenged’, he argues.
Unity between Dalits, Backward Castes, Adivasis and Muslims, who together form the overwhelming majority of Gujarat’s population, is the only way to challenge the BJP and the Congress, Solanki says. Yet, he laments, hardly any efforts are being made in this regard. In the wake of the state-sponsored anti-Muslim genocide in 2002, scores of NGOs entered Gujarat to provide relief, but today, he says, few of them are involved in anti-communal work. ‘Many of them made tall promises of working for empowerment, for Dalit-Muslim unity, for taking on the Hindutva lobby and so on. They got lots of money to fund big projects but nothing much has come of this’. ‘And then there are so many stories of corruption in the NGO circuit’, he wryly adds. ‘And so’, he goes on, ‘the only effective opposition I see today is within the BJP itself, among dissidents opposed to Modi’. ‘But that’, he explains, ‘in no way challenges the ideology and caste-base of Hindutva’. ‘
Solanki speaks of how the focus solely on communalism in Gujarat has led to an obscuring in secular political discourse of the widespread oppression of Dalits and Adivasis in the state. ‘The secularists, self-proclaimed secularists such as the Congress, and the Hindutva lobby all focus only on the issue of Hindu-Muslim relations, thus effectively ignoring the Adivasis and Dalits’, he notes. ‘Of course we need to work for communal harmony, for the rights of the Muslims and Christians, but that must go along with strengthening of the struggles of the Adivasis and Dalits. Hindutva forces seek to whip up anti-Muslim sentiments precisely to sabotage the growing awareness of the Adivasis and Dalits about the oppression that they suffer at the hands of the caste Hindu establishment’. ‘Hence’, he insists, ‘communalism cannot be defeated without taking up the caste issue, without working to unite the oppressed castes and the Muslims at the political and social level against the system of caste-class oppression of which they are the common victims’. ‘We need to make Dalit and Adivasi issues, along with the plight of Muslims, the centre of a new social, cultural and political movement, which alone can challenge the ‘upper’ caste Hindu hegemony which both the BJP and the Congress represent and defend’, he tells me.
Solanki talks of the work of his Centre in taking up numerous cases related to these communities. He speaks of widespread discrimination being practiced against Dalits in Gujarat—for instance, in this state which the Hindutva lobby touts about as about as its most successful experimental ground, a veritable ‘Hindu Rashtra’, Dalits continue to be refused entry into temples in many villages. He cites figures about rape of Dalit and Adivasi women by ‘upper’ caste landlords, many of them firm BJP supporters; of increasing land alienation among these groups; of the squalid slums, deprived of even the most basic amenities, to which the ‘low’ castes have been confined in Gujarat’s towns; and of the rapid impoverishment of Dalits and Adivasis communities in the face of the government’s economic policies.
*
Godhra, a town located in Gujarat’s Panchmahals district, a two hours’ journey from Ahmedabad, has a roughly equal Hindu and Muslim population. This obscure town shot into the limelight when, in 2002, a coach of a train caught fire near the town’s railway station, triggering off a massacre of Muslims throughout Gujarat on an unprecedented scale. Today, Godhra, like many other towns in Gujarat, is geographically completely polarized. A narrow river divides the town into two clearly Hindu and Muslim areas.
A semblance of ‘normality’ prevails in the town, although, its residents are quick to point out that the massacres of 2002, which, curiously, left Godhra itself largely untouched, have severely impacted on inter-communal relations. Almost all the NGOs that appeared in Godhra in the wake of the genocide to extend relief to Muslim victims in scores of villages nearby have now departed. Only a couple or so remain, with much trimmed budgets and staff. ‘As a result’, says Ilyas Bhagat, a local social activist, ‘the victims of the massacre, including families of over 80 men arrested under the deadly POTA law, have been left to fend for themselves’.
Bismillah Behen works with an NGO in Godhra and outlying villages. Her house in Himmatnagar was burnt down by Hindu mobs in 2002. Her husband has taken a second wife, and so she now lives by herself. Her own trauma, as a victim of both the anti-Muslim pogrom and of an insensitive husband, she says, has made her even more committed to working for communal harmony and women’s rights. ‘Women are the worse sufferers in riots’, she explains. She tells me of the efforts she and some of her colleagues, including Adivasis and Dalits, have made to bring women of different marginalized communities in Godhra to fight for their rights. She sees this as important not only in itself but also as one way of countering communalism. ‘We face opposition from patriarchal conservative forces in all our communities. Some Adivasi and Dalit men tell our non-Muslim sisters who are with us that they should not associate with us because we helped Muslim victims of the massacres. Likewise, some maulvis oppose the Muslim sisters in our group because they refuse to cover themselves in burkhas. They are angry with us because they insist that women must not come out of their homes’. ‘But’, she emphatically adds, ‘we women have undergone so much suffering during the riots. We have to come out and speak out’.
Bismillah Behen has not read any arcane feminist texts—what she speaks reflects her own personal and collective struggle, along with that of other women like her, who have experienced what it means to live through a genocide. ‘We have to join hands with sisters from other marginalized communities to fight for women’s rights and also against communalism’, she insists. ‘We have to explain to our sisters in other communities that communalism poses a major threat to women’s rights and to our freedom. The issue of women of all socially marginalized communities must be made a central part of the anti-communal struggle’.
Lakshmi Parmar, 26, is Bismillah’s colleague. She is the only female graduate in her village. Hailing from a poor Dalit family of the Vankar or weaver caste, she faces considerable opposition from her villagers, including some fellow Dalits, for working with Muslim women and for communal harmony. She tells me about how, in many villages around Godhra, Dalits were literally forced by the ‘upper’ castes to join them in attacking and killing Muslims in 2002. ‘They searched Dalit houses to see if any Muslims were hidden there. They threatened to boycott them if they helped the Muslims flee. Many Dalits yielded to this pressure as, being mostly landless labourers, they are dependent on the ‘upper castes for work’, she says.
Lakshmi speaks of how in these villages Dalits continue to suffer humiliation at the hands of the ‘upper’ castes, who consider them as fellow ‘Hindus’ only at the time of anti-Muslim violence, when they are generally used to attack Muslims. ‘In my own village’, she says, “Dalits cannot enter the local temple. A Dalit bridegroom cannot sit on a horse like ‘upper’ castes do. Last year my brother, who was getting married, tried to do that but we were forcibly stopped”.
‘Those days were really harrowing for all of us’, Lakshmi recounts of the brutal events of 2002. ‘I had to stay in a village, where Muslims had been driven out from. We started meetings to bring the different communities together, to facilitate the return of the Muslims to their homes, to rebuild their houses. But, eventually, due to the opposition of a local BJP politician, I had to flee’, she says. ‘However, we carried on working. We tried to bring together Dalits, Muslims and Adivasis through cultural activities, such as observing the anniversary of Babasaheb Ambedkar, Women’s Day and so on’.
We need to widen the scope of the movement for the unity of marginalized communities from just aiming at the political level to the wider social level’, she explains. ‘We have to work to unite our people through new forms of culture of resistance and struggle’.
*
‘This is, of course, may be easier said than done’, says Raju Solanki, ‘but we have to make it our main focus. From ancient times to this day, ‘upper’ caste forces, including today the Congress and the Hindutva lobby, have used culture, including religion, to oppress us. We now must use those very tools to challenge our oppression’.
Solanki shows me a book he’s written celebrating a fellow Gujarati Dalit activist who recently died, who opposed the entry of Hindutva activists into his slum and also prevented attacks on Muslims in his locality. ‘I’m preparing a book about such unsung heroes’, he informs me. ‘These voices of resistance, be they of Adivasis, Muslims, Backward Castes or Dalits, have been deliberately invisibilised from our history by the Brahminical establishment’, he notes. ‘We need to retrieve their memory, and build up a culture of resistance based on this’. ‘You cannot counter caste Hindu chauvinism without this’, he insists.
Solanki reads to me from a booklet that he has just published, titled ‘Blood Under Saffron’, to make his point about the dire need for marginalised communities in Gujarat to join hands to counter caste Hindu chauvinism, of which he says they are fellow victims. The booklet speaks of Gujarat’s panchayat rules that specify that disposing off dead animals and unclaimed corpses is a responsibility particular to the Scheduled Castes, a continuation of Manu’s ancient code; of the deaths of numerous sweepers belonging to the ‘lowest’ castes from suffocation while cleaning manholes; of the continuing practice of Valmikis in Gujarat being forced to carry human excreta on their heads; of ‘upper’ castes denying Dalits access to burial grounds; of mounting Dalit impoverishment, and, in the face of this, of continuing neglect by the state, and so on.
‘We need to bring the Dalits and other marginalized communities, besides the Muslims, back into Gujarat’s political discourse’, Solanki reiterates. ‘We need to shift the discourse from the secularism versus communalism debate to bring to the centre issues of caste-class domination and subjugation’, Solanki concludes. ‘Only then can Hindutva be effectively challenged, not just in Gujarat, but in the rest of the country as well’.
-By Yoginder Sikand at indianmuslims.in
Thursday, October 11, 2007
Story of 'Cruel Muslim Invaders' of India
The Hindu extremists cunningly picturise muslim rulers of India as 'cruel' with all bad qualities in them and that they destroyed 'age old' hindu traditions as the 'peaceful hindu' just stood like a silent spectator. Let us look at the history if what they claim is right or not.
Treatment of women and the 'Sati':
Hindu extremists claim that Sati (burning the wife along with his husband's corpse) was practiced to protect the husbandless widow from the 'cruel Muslim ruler' who would take her away and rape her. As if the ruler had nothing else to do other than searching for widows and raping them.
Lets look into History:
Sati was the name of Lord Shiva's (hindu God) wife. She burnt herself alive after cursing her own father for insulting her husband. In olden days, Indians used to regard the practice of Sati (burning wife along with his husband's corpse) as a religious ceremony. They believed Sati to be the 'highest virtue' of a woman. Brahman priests used to force Sati on women. If any lady is unwilling, the people would doubt her fidelity and affection towards her departed husband.
What Muslim Emporers did:
Akbar, one of the muslim rulers was the first king to take Sati seriously. He gave an order which stated "If a woman wants to practice sati on her will, she should not be stoped. But no woman must be forced Sati"
Aurangazeb, who was more strict in this aspect issued orders as soon as he came back from Kashmir in Dec. 1663 AD "In all hands under Mughal control, never again should the officials allow a woman to be burnt".
Polygamy:
Polygamy was practiced by both muslims and hindus of that age especially the upper classes. Lower classes used to have only one wife irrespective of their religion. Mukundaram and Puija Madhava refer to a rich merchant marrying second wife khullana even though he had a wife (Lahana) and she was alive and had children. In Ghanaram chakravarty's 'Dhamamangal', Lausen had four wives namely Kalinga, Amala, Bimala, Kanara. Even the hindu scrptures allow marriage of more than one wife.
Hindu extremists who always point out fingure at Polygamy in Muslims have forgotten these facts and also that there are very few muslims who marry more than one wife in present India.
Cow Slaughter:
Akbar was the first Mughal king who prohibited killing of animals on 'sacred days'. He believed that killing cow was not good. He used to have food called 'Sufiyana food' which was purely vegitarian. This was surely somethingwhich was not taught by Islam. this was induced in him by his respect to Indian culture and beliefs.
Humayun considered beef was bad.
Another historian K.M.P Verma in his book 'Relevance of Gandhian Thought' says "Babar, Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir, Ahmad Shah and Hyder Ali banned cow slaughter" in their kingdom.
Hindu Culture, traditions and Education:
Hindu extremists picturise Mughal kings as cruel invaders who destroyed hindu culture and traditions while actually history speaks quite opposite to this claim.
In Akbar's reign, cities like Banaras, Mithila, Navadwipa, Kashmir, Multan, Sirhind, Thatta and Gujarath flourished as centers for Hindu Education and culture.
Some of Hindu scholars and poets in the 'Cruel Invaders'' court were:
Akbar- Gangadhar, Mahesh, Kishun Joshi, Bhagawan, Tansen, Raja Todar Mal, Narahari Mahaprata, Ganga, Brahmadatta, Raja, Askaran, Manohar.
Jahangir- Jadrup Gosain, Rai Manohar lal, Bishun Das. Raja Surja Singh presented a hindu poet to Jahangir who was inpressed and gave an elephant to him as present.
Shah Jahan- Jagannath Pandith (author of Ras Gangadhar), Siromani Mishra, Vedanga Rai, Harinath (he was gited a horse, an elephant and one lakh Dawrs).
Dara Shukoh- Chanda Bham (a brahmin from Lahore)
Aurangazeb- Birdas, Bhushan, Brinda, Iswardas, Bhimsen.
Aurangazeb who is considered as a deadly enemy of Hindus, learned hindi and even appreciated hindu cultures and traditions. He had Raja Jai Singh, a hindu as his strong Nobel who faught with Shivaji (who is considered as the protector of hindu religion by RSS/VHP hindu extremists). Shivaji inturn had a pathan (muslim) unit under him and one of his strong aides was Didi Ibrahim, a muslim.
Caste System:
Tons of books are written on caste system that prevailed in Hindu society. Mughals were opposed this caste system but used to be genlte in this matter because they did not want to interfere in hindu religious sentiments. Brahmins used to ill treat lower castes called Shudras and Panchum Bundum. They were beaten up quite often if they tried to enter into villages. they were supposed to live in the village outskirts. Francis Euchanan in his book 'Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar writes that Brahmins never touched the plough and their farms were cultivated by shudras.Brahmins used to torture Parriars (Panchun Bandhum is divided into Parriar, Baluan, Schliar, Toti classes) if they tried to enter Brahmin temples or try to participate in their prayers of processions. Shudras were given their own temples and Brahman priests would never enter those temples. They considered a shame for themselves to pray to these 'low level' Gods of shudras. Brahmins used to travel in night along with their desciples beause they use to consider that other travellers (muslims and christians) would not give them the respect they deserve if they travel in the night. Parriars were treated so badly that no one would take the charity they gave. But Francis notes that if the parriars gave 1000 or 2000 pagodas, Brahmins used to accept.
He further writes that Hyder Ali, the king of Mysore used to give Shudras farms of their own and was 'so sensible of their feelings that he would not let them suffer by calling them by their proper name (shudras). He ordered that they should be called cultivators'.
Akbar issued orders declaring a marriage illegal if the girl was elder than the boy. If the girl was more elder by more than 12 years, the marriage was considered as illegal. This was to show respect to the Brahmins who strongly practiced ManuSmriti (hindu book of law) which says that the Bridegroom must be elder than the Bride. It should be noted here that Islam allowed marriages where the bride was elder than the bridegroom.
References: Glimpses of Social Life in Mughal India by Professor P.N.Ojha, Relevance of Gandhian thought by K.M.P Verma.
The hindu extremists and terrorists who are spreading lies about Muslim rulers so that they can keep their anti-muslim propaganda (which is the fuel for their movement) forgot that they can hide the history but can not change it.
Treatment of women and the 'Sati':
Hindu extremists claim that Sati (burning the wife along with his husband's corpse) was practiced to protect the husbandless widow from the 'cruel Muslim ruler' who would take her away and rape her. As if the ruler had nothing else to do other than searching for widows and raping them.
Lets look into History:
Sati was the name of Lord Shiva's (hindu God) wife. She burnt herself alive after cursing her own father for insulting her husband. In olden days, Indians used to regard the practice of Sati (burning wife along with his husband's corpse) as a religious ceremony. They believed Sati to be the 'highest virtue' of a woman. Brahman priests used to force Sati on women. If any lady is unwilling, the people would doubt her fidelity and affection towards her departed husband.
What Muslim Emporers did:
Akbar, one of the muslim rulers was the first king to take Sati seriously. He gave an order which stated "If a woman wants to practice sati on her will, she should not be stoped. But no woman must be forced Sati"
Aurangazeb, who was more strict in this aspect issued orders as soon as he came back from Kashmir in Dec. 1663 AD "In all hands under Mughal control, never again should the officials allow a woman to be burnt".
Polygamy:
Polygamy was practiced by both muslims and hindus of that age especially the upper classes. Lower classes used to have only one wife irrespective of their religion. Mukundaram and Puija Madhava refer to a rich merchant marrying second wife khullana even though he had a wife (Lahana) and she was alive and had children. In Ghanaram chakravarty's 'Dhamamangal', Lausen had four wives namely Kalinga, Amala, Bimala, Kanara. Even the hindu scrptures allow marriage of more than one wife.
Hindu extremists who always point out fingure at Polygamy in Muslims have forgotten these facts and also that there are very few muslims who marry more than one wife in present India.
Cow Slaughter:
Akbar was the first Mughal king who prohibited killing of animals on 'sacred days'. He believed that killing cow was not good. He used to have food called 'Sufiyana food' which was purely vegitarian. This was surely somethingwhich was not taught by Islam. this was induced in him by his respect to Indian culture and beliefs.
Humayun considered beef was bad.
Another historian K.M.P Verma in his book 'Relevance of Gandhian Thought' says "Babar, Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir, Ahmad Shah and Hyder Ali banned cow slaughter" in their kingdom.
Hindu Culture, traditions and Education:
Hindu extremists picturise Mughal kings as cruel invaders who destroyed hindu culture and traditions while actually history speaks quite opposite to this claim.
In Akbar's reign, cities like Banaras, Mithila, Navadwipa, Kashmir, Multan, Sirhind, Thatta and Gujarath flourished as centers for Hindu Education and culture.
Some of Hindu scholars and poets in the 'Cruel Invaders'' court were:
Akbar- Gangadhar, Mahesh, Kishun Joshi, Bhagawan, Tansen, Raja Todar Mal, Narahari Mahaprata, Ganga, Brahmadatta, Raja, Askaran, Manohar.
Jahangir- Jadrup Gosain, Rai Manohar lal, Bishun Das. Raja Surja Singh presented a hindu poet to Jahangir who was inpressed and gave an elephant to him as present.
Shah Jahan- Jagannath Pandith (author of Ras Gangadhar), Siromani Mishra, Vedanga Rai, Harinath (he was gited a horse, an elephant and one lakh Dawrs).
Dara Shukoh- Chanda Bham (a brahmin from Lahore)
Aurangazeb- Birdas, Bhushan, Brinda, Iswardas, Bhimsen.
Aurangazeb who is considered as a deadly enemy of Hindus, learned hindi and even appreciated hindu cultures and traditions. He had Raja Jai Singh, a hindu as his strong Nobel who faught with Shivaji (who is considered as the protector of hindu religion by RSS/VHP hindu extremists). Shivaji inturn had a pathan (muslim) unit under him and one of his strong aides was Didi Ibrahim, a muslim.
Caste System:
Tons of books are written on caste system that prevailed in Hindu society. Mughals were opposed this caste system but used to be genlte in this matter because they did not want to interfere in hindu religious sentiments. Brahmins used to ill treat lower castes called Shudras and Panchum Bundum. They were beaten up quite often if they tried to enter into villages. they were supposed to live in the village outskirts. Francis Euchanan in his book 'Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar writes that Brahmins never touched the plough and their farms were cultivated by shudras.Brahmins used to torture Parriars (Panchun Bandhum is divided into Parriar, Baluan, Schliar, Toti classes) if they tried to enter Brahmin temples or try to participate in their prayers of processions. Shudras were given their own temples and Brahman priests would never enter those temples. They considered a shame for themselves to pray to these 'low level' Gods of shudras. Brahmins used to travel in night along with their desciples beause they use to consider that other travellers (muslims and christians) would not give them the respect they deserve if they travel in the night. Parriars were treated so badly that no one would take the charity they gave. But Francis notes that if the parriars gave 1000 or 2000 pagodas, Brahmins used to accept.
He further writes that Hyder Ali, the king of Mysore used to give Shudras farms of their own and was 'so sensible of their feelings that he would not let them suffer by calling them by their proper name (shudras). He ordered that they should be called cultivators'.
Akbar issued orders declaring a marriage illegal if the girl was elder than the boy. If the girl was more elder by more than 12 years, the marriage was considered as illegal. This was to show respect to the Brahmins who strongly practiced ManuSmriti (hindu book of law) which says that the Bridegroom must be elder than the Bride. It should be noted here that Islam allowed marriages where the bride was elder than the bridegroom.
References: Glimpses of Social Life in Mughal India by Professor P.N.Ojha, Relevance of Gandhian thought by K.M.P Verma.
The hindu extremists and terrorists who are spreading lies about Muslim rulers so that they can keep their anti-muslim propaganda (which is the fuel for their movement) forgot that they can hide the history but can not change it.
Wednesday, October 10, 2007
Pakistan contribution to Indian Muslim
In India, across the Indian Muslim community it is widely accepted now that the partition of India was the biggest blunder that happened. Instead of safeguarding the interests of the Indian Muslims it reduced the ones who continued to live in India to a position of significantly reduced significance. It impacted the most those who needed the biggest safeguards, the poorest of the poor. A significant portion of the educated cream of the Indian Muslim community migrated to Pakistan; some say they chickened out when the push came to shove. Most of the remaining Muslims in India were poor who would be just fighting to make their two ends meet.
The first silver lining in this was that India was formed as a secular and democratic state. The constitution of India recognized that every citizen will be absolutely equal in his rights and will be free to profess, practice and propagate his religion. The goals were set in the clearest way and the struggle was to achieve the goal and not about the goal itself. It has often been a struggle for the Indian Muslims no doubt but the question has not been the constitution but it has been about upholding the spirit of the constitution. The same Nehru who is often held responsible in Pakistan for the inflexibility fought to uphold the secular fabric of India.
The second is the demographics of the country. India is a unique country, one of its kind. It is like Western Europe put together in a single country. That is true whether you compare it in size, population, languages, cultures, cuisines, dress, habits and many other things. This fact itself makes it a land of huge diversity and contradictions unlike any other place in the world. This structure itself demands that people of different backgrounds have different needs in their daily lives. The result of that is the number of players that have emerged in the Indian political structure.
The identities are not Hindu and Muslim so much as the Muslim League would have thought or the BJP wants.
The result of this diversity has been that even after unleashing its whole might and propaganda machinery through RSS its political offshoot the BJP, at its zenith, could never get more than 25% of the votes. It is only in Gujarat that the worst fears of the Muslims have come true. Other than many of the leaders of BJP no political party questions the Muslims about their existential and cultural position. Many political parties acted as ‘messiah’ of the Muslims and paid just lip service yet perhaps no other party other than the exception of BJP pursued harming the interests of the Muslims.
The worst thing that can happen to the Indian Muslims is adding fuel to the propaganda machinery of the right wing. While Indian Muslims have their own weaknesses and moles that are responsible for this but the focus here is only on Pakistan’s contribution.
Firstly, by opposing India being a member of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC). In 1969, when OIC was formed and India lobbied to be included as it had the third largest Muslim population in the world Pakistan successfully lobbied against it. Pakistan looked at its strategic self-interests and not anything about safeguarding the Indian Muslims otherwise it was a significant move on the part of India to have made that move to be included in the organization as an Islamic country! If Gabon with just 10% Muslims (150,000 Muslim citizens) can be a member, it is a mockery that India with 150 million Muslims and till very recently having the second largest Muslim population on the planet is denied that status. If India was denied significant position vis a vis Muslim countries there was little incentive for her to put the strong feet of her Muslim cultural identity forward and sustain it.
Secondly, the most contentious issue of the way we look at history. The propaganda machinery of the Indian right wing does a great job in picking up all the opinions, lies and rumors against Muslim rulers and paint a picture that the presence of Muslims in India has been the biggest damage and tragedy to the Indian civilization. Whereas invaders like Ghauri and Ghaznavi are understandably condemned even the Mughals who lived in India as their own home are termed as foreigners. While Indian Muslims look at the past as a syncretic culture of great tolerance the Pakistani reading of history is music to the ears of the right wing in India. When Pakistan builds its missile programme it names these weapons as Ghauri, Ghaznavi and Babur as instruments to attack India
This just reiterates the point to every Indian listening to them and reinforcing the deep rooted prejudices.
It matters little to both the sides on this reading of history – of Hindus pitted against Muslims in the medieval ages - that Babur defeated a Muslim Ibrahim Lodhi at Delhi’s throne, Ghauri defeated Prithvi Raj’s army which was led by a Muslim and Ghaznavi had one of his top generals who was a Hindu named Tilak. It also matters little in this reading of history that when Akbar and Maharana Pratap fought at Haldighati then Akbar’s army was led by a Hindu Raja Man Singh and Maharana Pratap’s army was led by a Muslim Hakim Khan Suri. It also matters little in this reading that the Sikh Guru Arjan Dev who was executed by Aurangzeb had the foundation stone of Golden Temple laid by Mian Mir a sufi saint and had included so many sufi songs in the Sikh holy book Guru Granth Sahib. Or that Shivaji who fought with Aurangzeb had a Pathan unit and one of his most trusted aides was Didi Ibrahim, a Muslim and that Aurangzeb sent Raja Jaisingh, a Hindu to fight him. Or that when Babur defeated Rana Sanga at Panipat the latter’s army had around 50,000 Muslim soldiers.
Thirdly, it is the treatment in Pakistan to its minorities. The fuel to the Sangh Parivar is that while the Muslim percentage in India has marginally increased since partition that of Hindus in Pakistan has significantly reduced and they are widely discriminated against at all levels. They say that if Hindu discrimination is so deep in Pakistan then why should Muslims of India claim anything better?
I don’t know about what the social context was in which partition happened but I now know for sure that the leaders who pursued it were shortsighted. Pakistan formed as an ‘Islamic’ country refused to acknowledge the rights of Bangla Muslims and the country split within 25 years. In its sixty years of existence it has been under military rule for a significant portion. The independent presence of judiciary is so impacted that its most famous Prime Ministers are either barred from entering their own country or hanged. A couple of weeks back Dina Wadia (daughter of Jinnah) wanted to spend her last days in Jinnah House in Bombay and not at any place in Pakistan. If today 13% Muslims can impact the political scene in India then definitely about 35% could have never been taken for a ride.
But today let us have bygones be bygones. India needs a strong Pakistan; not as an enemy but as a friendly neighbour. A neighbour that works with India in creating a South Asian super zone similar to the Euro Zone, by looking in the syncretic past and not by picking up twisted irritants from the past. The solution is not by putting Pakistan in contrast to India in everything particularly in identity but in drawing inspiration from the mutual past. Having multi billion dollar budgets to safeguard the borders in countries where still hundreds of millions of its citizens earn less than dollar a day is no way justifiable. Working on projects of recreating national boundaries will not solve anything as we have seen. But peace and respect among the largest ethnic population on the face of the earth can create wonders. It will make life easier for India’s Muslims too as the propaganda machinery of the Sangh Parivar will have lesser fuel to add to the fire.
The first silver lining in this was that India was formed as a secular and democratic state. The constitution of India recognized that every citizen will be absolutely equal in his rights and will be free to profess, practice and propagate his religion. The goals were set in the clearest way and the struggle was to achieve the goal and not about the goal itself. It has often been a struggle for the Indian Muslims no doubt but the question has not been the constitution but it has been about upholding the spirit of the constitution. The same Nehru who is often held responsible in Pakistan for the inflexibility fought to uphold the secular fabric of India.
The second is the demographics of the country. India is a unique country, one of its kind. It is like Western Europe put together in a single country. That is true whether you compare it in size, population, languages, cultures, cuisines, dress, habits and many other things. This fact itself makes it a land of huge diversity and contradictions unlike any other place in the world. This structure itself demands that people of different backgrounds have different needs in their daily lives. The result of that is the number of players that have emerged in the Indian political structure.
The identities are not Hindu and Muslim so much as the Muslim League would have thought or the BJP wants.
The result of this diversity has been that even after unleashing its whole might and propaganda machinery through RSS its political offshoot the BJP, at its zenith, could never get more than 25% of the votes. It is only in Gujarat that the worst fears of the Muslims have come true. Other than many of the leaders of BJP no political party questions the Muslims about their existential and cultural position. Many political parties acted as ‘messiah’ of the Muslims and paid just lip service yet perhaps no other party other than the exception of BJP pursued harming the interests of the Muslims.
The worst thing that can happen to the Indian Muslims is adding fuel to the propaganda machinery of the right wing. While Indian Muslims have their own weaknesses and moles that are responsible for this but the focus here is only on Pakistan’s contribution.
Firstly, by opposing India being a member of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC). In 1969, when OIC was formed and India lobbied to be included as it had the third largest Muslim population in the world Pakistan successfully lobbied against it. Pakistan looked at its strategic self-interests and not anything about safeguarding the Indian Muslims otherwise it was a significant move on the part of India to have made that move to be included in the organization as an Islamic country! If Gabon with just 10% Muslims (150,000 Muslim citizens) can be a member, it is a mockery that India with 150 million Muslims and till very recently having the second largest Muslim population on the planet is denied that status. If India was denied significant position vis a vis Muslim countries there was little incentive for her to put the strong feet of her Muslim cultural identity forward and sustain it.
Secondly, the most contentious issue of the way we look at history. The propaganda machinery of the Indian right wing does a great job in picking up all the opinions, lies and rumors against Muslim rulers and paint a picture that the presence of Muslims in India has been the biggest damage and tragedy to the Indian civilization. Whereas invaders like Ghauri and Ghaznavi are understandably condemned even the Mughals who lived in India as their own home are termed as foreigners. While Indian Muslims look at the past as a syncretic culture of great tolerance the Pakistani reading of history is music to the ears of the right wing in India. When Pakistan builds its missile programme it names these weapons as Ghauri, Ghaznavi and Babur as instruments to attack India
This just reiterates the point to every Indian listening to them and reinforcing the deep rooted prejudices.
It matters little to both the sides on this reading of history – of Hindus pitted against Muslims in the medieval ages - that Babur defeated a Muslim Ibrahim Lodhi at Delhi’s throne, Ghauri defeated Prithvi Raj’s army which was led by a Muslim and Ghaznavi had one of his top generals who was a Hindu named Tilak. It also matters little in this reading of history that when Akbar and Maharana Pratap fought at Haldighati then Akbar’s army was led by a Hindu Raja Man Singh and Maharana Pratap’s army was led by a Muslim Hakim Khan Suri. It also matters little in this reading that the Sikh Guru Arjan Dev who was executed by Aurangzeb had the foundation stone of Golden Temple laid by Mian Mir a sufi saint and had included so many sufi songs in the Sikh holy book Guru Granth Sahib. Or that Shivaji who fought with Aurangzeb had a Pathan unit and one of his most trusted aides was Didi Ibrahim, a Muslim and that Aurangzeb sent Raja Jaisingh, a Hindu to fight him. Or that when Babur defeated Rana Sanga at Panipat the latter’s army had around 50,000 Muslim soldiers.
Thirdly, it is the treatment in Pakistan to its minorities. The fuel to the Sangh Parivar is that while the Muslim percentage in India has marginally increased since partition that of Hindus in Pakistan has significantly reduced and they are widely discriminated against at all levels. They say that if Hindu discrimination is so deep in Pakistan then why should Muslims of India claim anything better?
I don’t know about what the social context was in which partition happened but I now know for sure that the leaders who pursued it were shortsighted. Pakistan formed as an ‘Islamic’ country refused to acknowledge the rights of Bangla Muslims and the country split within 25 years. In its sixty years of existence it has been under military rule for a significant portion. The independent presence of judiciary is so impacted that its most famous Prime Ministers are either barred from entering their own country or hanged. A couple of weeks back Dina Wadia (daughter of Jinnah) wanted to spend her last days in Jinnah House in Bombay and not at any place in Pakistan. If today 13% Muslims can impact the political scene in India then definitely about 35% could have never been taken for a ride.
But today let us have bygones be bygones. India needs a strong Pakistan; not as an enemy but as a friendly neighbour. A neighbour that works with India in creating a South Asian super zone similar to the Euro Zone, by looking in the syncretic past and not by picking up twisted irritants from the past. The solution is not by putting Pakistan in contrast to India in everything particularly in identity but in drawing inspiration from the mutual past. Having multi billion dollar budgets to safeguard the borders in countries where still hundreds of millions of its citizens earn less than dollar a day is no way justifiable. Working on projects of recreating national boundaries will not solve anything as we have seen. But peace and respect among the largest ethnic population on the face of the earth can create wonders. It will make life easier for India’s Muslims too as the propaganda machinery of the Sangh Parivar will have lesser fuel to add to the fire.
Sunday, September 30, 2007
I Wonder Why
Why a Jew can grow his beard in order to practice his faith
But when Muslim does the same, he is an extremist and terrorist!
Why a nun can be covered from head to toe in order to devote herself to God
But when Muslimah does the same she oppressed
When a western women stays at home to look after her house and kids she is respected because of sacrificing herself and doing good for the household?
But when a Muslim woman does so by her will, they say, "she needs to be liberated"!
Any girl can go to university wearing what she wills and have her rights and freedom?
But when Muslimah wears a Hijab they prevent her from entering her university!
When a child dedicates himself to a subject he has potential.
But when he dedicates himself to Islam he is hopeless!
When a Christian or a Jew kills someone religion is not mentioned, but when Muslim is charged with a crime, it is Islam that goes to trial!
When someone sacrfices himself to keep others alive, he is noble and all respect him.
But when a Palestinian does that to save his son from being killed, his brother's arm being broken, his mother being raped, his home being destroyed, and his mosque being violated -- He gets the title of a terrorist! Why? Because he is a Muslim!
When there is a trouble we accept any solution? If the solution lies in Islam, we refuse to take a look at it.
When someone drives a perfect car in a bad way no one blames the car.
But when any Muslim makes a mistake or treats people in a bad manner - people say "Islam is the reason"!
Without looking to the tradition of Islam, people believe what the newspapers say.
But question what the Quran says!
Source: NOAIN BAKSI at orkut
But when Muslim does the same, he is an extremist and terrorist!
Why a nun can be covered from head to toe in order to devote herself to God
But when Muslimah does the same she oppressed
When a western women stays at home to look after her house and kids she is respected because of sacrificing herself and doing good for the household?
But when a Muslim woman does so by her will, they say, "she needs to be liberated"!
Any girl can go to university wearing what she wills and have her rights and freedom?
But when Muslimah wears a Hijab they prevent her from entering her university!
When a child dedicates himself to a subject he has potential.
But when he dedicates himself to Islam he is hopeless!
When a Christian or a Jew kills someone religion is not mentioned, but when Muslim is charged with a crime, it is Islam that goes to trial!
When someone sacrfices himself to keep others alive, he is noble and all respect him.
But when a Palestinian does that to save his son from being killed, his brother's arm being broken, his mother being raped, his home being destroyed, and his mosque being violated -- He gets the title of a terrorist! Why? Because he is a Muslim!
When there is a trouble we accept any solution? If the solution lies in Islam, we refuse to take a look at it.
When someone drives a perfect car in a bad way no one blames the car.
But when any Muslim makes a mistake or treats people in a bad manner - people say "Islam is the reason"!
Without looking to the tradition of Islam, people believe what the newspapers say.
But question what the Quran says!
Source: NOAIN BAKSI at orkut
Sunday, September 23, 2007
Struggle for Justice
Rizwanur Rahman, who had married Priyanka Todi without her parents' consent on August 18 under the Special Marriage Act, was found dead beside the railway tracks near Dum Dum at 10.30 am on Friday — barely 20 minutes after he fixed up an appointment with a human rights activist for a visit to Lalbazar.
He had earlier sought police protection, which he never got.
In a complaint he had filed with the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR) just two days before his death, Rahman had claimed two deputy commissioners of police posted at the Lalbazar headquarters had threatened to arrest him if Priyanka did not return to her parents. A copy of his letter was submitted to the state human rights commission.
Rahman's death triggered anger in Tiljala, where he lived. On Saturday, thousands of residents of Park Circus and surrounding localities took to the streets. They blocked bridge no. 4, the critical link to the Park Circus-EM Bypass connector, demanding a probe into the death.
The protesters vented their anger on the police. They were particularly furious that officers of Karaya police station had refused to accept an FIR filed by Rahman's parents. Rumours that the body had gone missing from police custody further inflamed the protesters, who went on the rampage, torching a police jeep and wrecking nine other vehicles. The police lathicharged the mob, which retaliated with brickbats. The street fights continued for over an hour.
Rahman's death triggered anger in Tiljala, where he lived. On Saturday, thousands of residents of Park Circus and surrounding localities took to the streets. They blocked bridge no. 4, the critical link to the Park Circus-EM Bypass connector, demanding a probe into the death.
The protesters vented their anger on the police. They were particularly furious that officers of Karaya police station had refused to accept an FIR filed by Rahman's parents. Rumours that the body had gone missing from police custody further inflamed the protesters, who went on the rampage, torching a police jeep and wrecking nine other vehicles. The police lathicharged the mob, which retaliated with brickbats. The street fights continued for over an hour.
Bhadra has demanded an impartial probe into the case and asked the police to immediately produce Rahman's "missing wife". Priyanka's whereabouts are still unknown. Repeated attempts to contact Todi both at his residence and on his cellphone failed.
Source: timesofindia.indiatimes.com
This is an horrible incident of violation of human rights. The police instead of protecting the couple acted like the private security guards of Todi. Its a shame on their part.
He had earlier sought police protection, which he never got.
In a complaint he had filed with the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR) just two days before his death, Rahman had claimed two deputy commissioners of police posted at the Lalbazar headquarters had threatened to arrest him if Priyanka did not return to her parents. A copy of his letter was submitted to the state human rights commission.
Rahman's death triggered anger in Tiljala, where he lived. On Saturday, thousands of residents of Park Circus and surrounding localities took to the streets. They blocked bridge no. 4, the critical link to the Park Circus-EM Bypass connector, demanding a probe into the death.
The protesters vented their anger on the police. They were particularly furious that officers of Karaya police station had refused to accept an FIR filed by Rahman's parents. Rumours that the body had gone missing from police custody further inflamed the protesters, who went on the rampage, torching a police jeep and wrecking nine other vehicles. The police lathicharged the mob, which retaliated with brickbats. The street fights continued for over an hour.
Rahman's death triggered anger in Tiljala, where he lived. On Saturday, thousands of residents of Park Circus and surrounding localities took to the streets. They blocked bridge no. 4, the critical link to the Park Circus-EM Bypass connector, demanding a probe into the death.
The protesters vented their anger on the police. They were particularly furious that officers of Karaya police station had refused to accept an FIR filed by Rahman's parents. Rumours that the body had gone missing from police custody further inflamed the protesters, who went on the rampage, torching a police jeep and wrecking nine other vehicles. The police lathicharged the mob, which retaliated with brickbats. The street fights continued for over an hour.
Bhadra has demanded an impartial probe into the case and asked the police to immediately produce Rahman's "missing wife". Priyanka's whereabouts are still unknown. Repeated attempts to contact Todi both at his residence and on his cellphone failed.
Source: timesofindia.indiatimes.com
This is an horrible incident of violation of human rights. The police instead of protecting the couple acted like the private security guards of Todi. Its a shame on their part.
The Ram Sethu Issue
It is very unfortunate that Ram sethu issue is being so foolishly dealt with. Political greed and hypocrisy showed up itself once again. The BJP itself granted the sethu samudram project and now opposing it unnecessarily making it a religious issue.
The congress should have dealt this issue more sensitively. Freedom of speech and expression has some limitations. Karunanidhi (Tamil Nadu chief minister) or anyone else has no right to hurt the sentiments of people may it be Hindus or Muslims. He would have represented his point in a more decent manner instead of mocking the hindu religious sentiments. Congress on the first hand should have noticed and removed the objectionable content in the affidavit filed by archaeological society of India.
The BJP feels that Ramar sethu issue 'is a gift by Congress'. they want to exploit as much as they can out of this issue. The Sangh parivar members once again proved that they are no different or no lesser than any terrorist organization in the world. After burning a Tamil Nadu bus in Banglore and burning two people to death, the BJP leader ramvilas vedanti's statement is a mockery on the Indian law and order and the Indian constitution itself. An open murder threat in public is something everyone must be worried about. The person agaisnt whom he issued a 'fatwa' (of beheading) is non other than a Chief minister. If Sangh parivar people can go to an extent to threaten a Chief minister in power, what about ordinary people? For them ordinary Indian who stand in their way should simply die.
The congress should at least realise its mistakes at this point and try to deal with sensibility instead of worrying about consequences. It should apologise to hindus and explain the 'good' it is willing to do by the construction of sethu samudram project. Otherwise such incidents will repeat again. This time it was Hindus next time when the power shifts in BJP's favor, it will be Muslims on the road.
The congress should have dealt this issue more sensitively. Freedom of speech and expression has some limitations. Karunanidhi (Tamil Nadu chief minister) or anyone else has no right to hurt the sentiments of people may it be Hindus or Muslims. He would have represented his point in a more decent manner instead of mocking the hindu religious sentiments. Congress on the first hand should have noticed and removed the objectionable content in the affidavit filed by archaeological society of India.
The BJP feels that Ramar sethu issue 'is a gift by Congress'. they want to exploit as much as they can out of this issue. The Sangh parivar members once again proved that they are no different or no lesser than any terrorist organization in the world. After burning a Tamil Nadu bus in Banglore and burning two people to death, the BJP leader ramvilas vedanti's statement is a mockery on the Indian law and order and the Indian constitution itself. An open murder threat in public is something everyone must be worried about. The person agaisnt whom he issued a 'fatwa' (of beheading) is non other than a Chief minister. If Sangh parivar people can go to an extent to threaten a Chief minister in power, what about ordinary people? For them ordinary Indian who stand in their way should simply die.
The congress should at least realise its mistakes at this point and try to deal with sensibility instead of worrying about consequences. It should apologise to hindus and explain the 'good' it is willing to do by the construction of sethu samudram project. Otherwise such incidents will repeat again. This time it was Hindus next time when the power shifts in BJP's favor, it will be Muslims on the road.
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